Background to the Research

• Women's Working Lives Survey was commissioned by the Equal Opportunities Commission for Northern Ireland in 1990. The survey was designed to:
  • identify factors which determine whether or not women participate in paid work and how the unpaid work undertaken by women in the home influences their involvement in the labour market;
  • record the type of paid work women have done and do, as well as their attitudes and experiences of employment.

Research Approach

• 1000 women were interviewed who lived in private households and were aged between 18 and 65. The sample was drawn from the 1990 Register of Electors using a 2 stage proportionate random sample. The interview took a semi-structured approach, including some prompt items.
• Note: the survey excluded women aged under 18, who generally have a higher unemployment rate than those aged 18 or over.

Main Findings

• It is hard to estimate the exact rate of female unemployment as there is undercounting in official statistics for various reasons, such as, people are only included if they are claiming benefits, and eligibility for unemployment benefits is dependent upon availability for work criteria. Social Security policy is based on households, rather than individuals: married woman do not have individual entitlement to Income Support
• Only 9% of women said that they were unemployed, but nearly a half of these women were not registered as unemployed. The vast majority of those were non-employed (that is, they said they were 'Caring') and did not register as unemployed as they knew that they would not be entitled to benefits.
• In 14% of couples, neither partner was employed. In only 29% of couples was only the male working, therefore, the stereotype of a 'male breadwinner' household is no longer valid.
• Male unemployment seemed to have an influence on female employment: 63% of wives of employed men were employed, compared to 29% and 19% for wives of non-employed and unemployed men respectively. However, other factors include location and educational qualifications. The Social Security system itself also plays a part, such as the 'hassle' in declaring part-time earnings, and the subsequent reduction of other benefits. This can result in the development of two types of households: those with no earners, and those with two earners.
• Nearly half the wives of unemployed men found it difficult to manage financially, and 60% worried about money all the time or often. The figures for wives of employed men were 10% and 17% respectively.
• Male unemployment did not seem to radically change the division of labour in relation to housework and childcare. 56% of wives of unemployed men did all or most of the housework, compared to 75% of the wives of employed men. 53% of wives of unemployed men undertook all or most of the childcare (although 48% shared childcare), while 62% of the wives of employed men did.
• Female unemployment is as much an issue as male unemployment, as is female non-employment, and so Social Security policy should address male and female unemployment.