Population Change and Social Inclusion Study: Derry/Londonderry

Author(s): Peter Shirlow, Brian Graham, Amanda McMullan, Brendan Murtagh, Gillian Robinson and Neil Southern
Commissioned by: Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust and OFM-DFM Equality Branch
Document Type: Report
Year: 2005
Publisher: University of Ulster
Place of Publication: Derry/Londonderry
Subject Area(s): Demography, Culture/Identity, NI Conflict, Community Relations

Abbreviations: NI - Northern Ireland, DDCA - Derry District Council Area

Background to the Research

  • This project sought to establish the structures and policies needed to encourage new forms of co-operation and sharing in Derry/Londonderry. It is framed by a study of the Protestant community's place within DDCA as understood by that community and also members of the nationalist/republican communities and their political representatives.
  • The specific objectives were:
    • To determine the quantitative extent of separation/sharing between Protestants and the 'other' community;
    • To examine the meaning of this separation/sharing for Protestants;
    • To establish if claims of Protestant alienation reflect the views of the community;
    • To assess the impact of population decline and out-migration upon the Protestant population.

Research Approach

  • A mixture of quantitative and qualitative methodologies were used during the research process. Census data for 1991 and 2001 were used for the analysis of population decline and segregation. A number of policy documents relevant to DDCA were reviewed to isolate key themes which were fed into semi-structured interviews (with Catholics and Protestants) and twelve focus group meetings.
  • A household survey was also carried out with 399 Protestant residents in private households.

Main Findings

  • It is not possible to determine whether or not there has been a decline in the number of those from a Protestant community background in the Cityside since 1991.
  • The structure of the Protestant population in the Waterside was heavily influenced by the out-migration of Protestants from the Cityside between 1971 and 1991.
  • Former Cityside residents spoke of a neighbourliness between themselves and their Catholic neighbours before the Troubles began, and it was with a strong sense of emotional loss and regret that they discussed their move to the Waterside. Many considered their move to be an irreversible migration.
  • It can be assumed that the small growth in the Protestant population, measured by religion, in the Waterside between 1991-2001 is due to a range of factors such as birth rates, an increased life-expectancy and reduced levels of out-migration from the DDCA.
  • The Catholic share of the population is increasing but at a much slower rate than was the case between 1971 and 1991.
  • It can be argued that the Protestant population is attaining a degree of demographic stability not previously seen since before 1971.
  • Over 80% of respondents in the survey acknowledged that they had never been treated unfairly because of their religion within a shop or business premises located within a Catholic area.
  • A majority of respondents of working age are prepared to work in predominantly Catholic workplaces. Many respondents also socialise with non-Protestants.
  • Many respondents showed a willingness to shop in 'Catholic' areas. However, the findings hint at a reduction in Protestant confidence the farther one moves out from the city centre and into residential districts. It would appear that Protestants differentiate between predominantly Catholic places with regard to such places being consumption/shopping arenas or residential districts.
  • A common feature that emerged from the youth groups was an unwillingness to shop in the Foyleside or Richmond shopping precincts. It was argued that groups of teenagers congregate in these areas and if a person felt identified as a Protestant, then he/she would consider themselves under threat.
  • 19.1% of respondents felt 'a little unsafe', 'scared' or 'would not walk through their own community after dark'. This compared to 79.9% of respondents who would not do the same activity after dark in a Catholic area.
  • The under 25 and the over 65 age groups were the most likely to state that they would not walk through a Catholic area during the day or after dark.
  • There are low levels of contact between Protestant young people and their counterparts within the nationalist community. istricts.
  • Only a handful of respondents claimed that they had been subjected to either verbal or physical abuse in the city whether measured in the last 5 years or previous 25 years.
  • The majority of survey respondents who have moved home have done so due to family or other domestic reasons.
  • There is a high level of Protestants who feel that their community is in decline, and that their cultural identity is both in decline and unprotected within the city.
  • There is also a high level in the numbers of people who believe that segregation will continue (but they want it to continue).
  • The River Foyle appears to serve an ethnic boundary marker. Political and cultural murals, flags, the wearing of certain sports shirts and painted kerbstones are also symbols of territorial exclusivity. These symbols contribute to the alienation that Protestants feel from certain city spaces. Some Catholic respondents in the Cityside also spoke of their resentment towards the politicisation of some spaces and the ethnically exclusive claim to territory represented by murals.
  • There appeared to be a perception of the Waterside as so different that Cityside Catholics would seldom frequent it.
  • Protestants spoke of a reluctance to visit the City Cemetary due to a sense of intimidation, despite the fact that both Catholics and Protestants are buried there. Some mentioned a feeling that it has been politicised by republicans and that the existence of republican symbolism there is an attempt to make Protestants feel unwelcome.
  • Many Protestants felt that a removal of the 'London' from the city's name would greatly weaken their sense of (already tenuous) identification with the city. e).
  • A large number of respondents interpret the equality agendas as favouring the majority community within the DDCA area.
  • Many respondents felt that the Waterside was deliberately underfunded for development purposes. Given the lack of facilities for young people (and the fact that many feel unsafe to go to the Cityside for leisure activities), many are forming social networks elsewhere, leading to a reduced level of identification with Derry/Londonderry. Catholic respondents living in the Waterside shared the perception of underdevelopment.
  • The deepest sense of marginalisation appears to be among working-class Protestants.
  • Amongst the nationalist community, a community-based confidence appears to have developed since the de-militarisation of the city, which is much less identifiable in the Protestant community.
  • The small unionist representation on Derry City Council impacts negatively with some Protestants who view their representatives as being somewhat marginal. However, the political ineptitude of unionist representatives is believed to be responsible for the sense of marginalisation.
  • Despite the sizeable funding for cross-community schemes and the efforts of community workers, most Protestants did not feel that community relations would improve in five or ten years time.
  • The Shared City Initiative was important to acknowledge the need to tackle distinctive spatial problems of the Protestant community.
  • There have also been important organisational responses to facilitate the engagement of the Protestant community in the city, such as the City Vision Partnership Board and the Local Strategy Partnership. The Waterside Area Partnership, the establishment of a Council Sub-office and PEACE II interface groups demonstrate at least an awareness of the need to establish structural responses that involve people in decision making arenas about specific programmes.
  • The Local Community Fund, Community Support Programme and Neighbourhood Renewal have all placed skills, competencies, and capacity building in the area at the forefront of policy delivery.
  • However, although it is likely that making individuals active participants in community-building programmes enhances their communicativeness and sociality, there is no guarantee that 'developed' communities would 'reach out' across the ethno-sectarian divide.
  • The policy community is not unaware of the issues that concern the Protestant community in Derry/Londonderry and have been willing to talk about them and how they feel that their policies can help.
  • This research produced findings which showed that there are some more positive developments within the Derry area. Protestants appear to be engaging more with consumer arenas on the Cityside and their demography is more stable. However, there is a great deal of suspicion and a sense of decline due to a nationalist 'agenda'. In social, cultural and political terms the majority of Protestants felt alienated and compromised.

 

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