Background to the Research

• Coming out is a developmental process through which LGB people recognise their sexual orientation and incorporate this knowledge into their personal and social lives by revealing this to others. Levels of disapproval towards LGB people within NI have been found to be higher than in any other region of the United Kingdom. This article aimed to ascertain the extent to which existing developmental models of coming out apply to young people in NI and to explore how particular local specificities of the Northern Irish context impact on the coming-out of young gay men.
  

Research Approach

• The article is based on 20 one-to-one in-depth interviews conducted with young gay and bisexual men in NI between 2000 and 2006. These interviews were conducted during two larger mixed-methods projects: one undertaken by the University of Ulster and the NI branch of the Family Planning Association on sexual attitudes and lifestyles of 14-25 year olds, and the other conducted by the Rainbow Project on the mental health of same-sex-attracted young men. For this article the authors conducted an in-depth analysis of the biographical narrative passages of the interviews that relate to the coming-out process.
  

Main Findings

• An interview with one respondent, 'Thomas', is presented as a case study of gay identity formation, which is related to the Cass model of identity formation. Thomas described his journey from ''identity confusion'' to ''identity acceptance'' (stages 1 to 4 in the Cass Model). This period lasted for approximately 4 years, from when he was about 12 years old, when he ''sensed something'', to around 17 years old, when he ''knew that it wasn't a phase''.
• During the time in which he was trying to come to terms with his sexual identity, he was also confronted with dilemmas and difficult situations that the heterosexual environment and expectations around him inevitably presented to him. For example, socialising and going out with friends and relatives became problematic when they tried to act as matchmakers. Thomas gave an example where alcohol served as a coping mechanism to deal with the mounting pressure he felt to reveal his sexual orientation.
• Thomas came out after he had made first contact with the LGB community over a telephone helpline and started to attend meetings with other LGB people. He started to disclose his identity; first to one of his sisters, who ''took it brilliantly'', and then eventually, one by one to his parents and his other siblings. Evidence for the growing ''identity pride'', the fifth stage of the Cass Model can be found in his accounts of his relationship with his father, who found it very difficult to accept his son's sexual orientation. He was then able to confront his father about who he is and also regained confidence in day to day routine and habits.
• His view of the gay scene as 'fake' provides evidence of 'identity synthesis', the 6th stage in Cass's model.
• Thomas' interview is described as an ideal case study to show how coming out in NI follows essentially the same patterns as everywhere else. However, his experiences were also very much reflected in the other interview material collected.
• For most of interviewees, gay identity formation began around the age they started post-primary education. However, whilst most interviewees had come to terms with their homosexuality before they left school, only a minority had come out by that stage. The main reason for this was their experiences and/or fear of being bullied, being called names and being singled out. Whilst school was the dominant place in which interviewees had experienced bullying, some also reported experiencing harassment and homophobia at home or in the workplace. Some interviewees had suffered homophobic bullying regardless of the fact that they were not openly out, but simply because they were perceived to be gay. The effects of this were loneliness, depression, anxiety and even attempted suicide. The majority reported that their self-esteem was low; however, some interviewees also said that they were stronger at the end of their identity formation and had developed a higher self-esteem.
• There were also some indicators that the socio-religious segregation in NI added a further dimension to difficulties that young gay people experience during the formation of their sexual identity.
• Since homosexuality is seen as morally wrong by most monotheistic churches, it was no surprise that interviewees reported almost exclusively negative experiences from school (which, in NI, are largely segregated by religion and significantly influenced by church representatives). Thomas talked about how he had been generally confronted and appalled by the teachings of the Catholic Church towards gay people.
• The second aspect that a number of interviewees mentioned was the provincialism that characterises particularly rural areas and small towns in NI, part of which is related to political parties being interwoven with Christian fundamentalism. One interviewee talked about this ''disadvantage'' that gay people have in NI ''because there are so many political groups, and so much emphasis on those political groups'' who ''have the control''.
• Another interviewee felt that his expectations of equal treatment and regard of gay people cannot be met anywhere in Ireland. Due to the lack of openness and the provincialism, he actually considers leaving NI.
• The issue of the social ''norms'' of Northern Irish society, such as parental expectations and the pressures that arise for gay people out of the perceived need to fit in with these norms was also addressed.
• Not all interviewees found it hard to live in NI, although those who felt like this tended to concede that living in mainland Britain was probably easier for gay people because they would be more likely to be accepted.
• One interviewee related the lack of openness and acceptance in NI to the NI conflict.
  

Conclusions

• The material presented gives evidence that coming out in NI follows essentially the same patterns as elsewhere. Part two of the article explored the societal conditions that set NI apart from countries in which homosexuality is more accepted. The backwardness and provincialism seen to exist in NI, in combination with detrimental issues that are also experienced by young gay men elsewhere, such as family pressures, school bullying and so forth, make NI a particularly difficult place for same-sex-attracted young people.
• For practitioners who are in touch with young gay men, such as counsellors, social and youth workers as well as teachers, this interview material could be useful in helping them to understand the difficulties that these young men face in their identity formation.
• Evidence suggests that negative attitudes to, and perceptions of, same-sex relationships are still common in the NI population, with even some ministers of the NI Executive Committee voicing negative attitudes to homosexuality. The fostering of homophobic attitudes counteracts official government strategies in NI in relation to tackling poor mental health and reducing suicide rates. There can be no question that, despite the new equality legislation, NI, for now, remains a conservative hetero-normative society that fails a significant proportion of its population.