Background to the Research

• Where young people remain in polarised, segregated areas, opportunities for improving life and employment skills remain stilted and personal development is thwarted. Young people living in interface areas of Belfast face a double penalty of problems associated with poverty and the effects of sectarianism, which further exacerbates the social exclusion to which they may be vulnerable. This project investigated social exclusion amongst young adults from interface areas of Belfast, with a particular focus upon unemployment as a feature of sectarianism and the ongoing legacy of conflict. Furthermore, the study was designed to chart ways of facilitating employers and work organisations in recruiting and retaining young employees from the minority community in their areas.
  

Research Approach

• Unemployed and employed young people from interface areas of all wards in Belfast were interviewed about their experiences of work and life. Interviews were also carried out with employers, trade union officials, community group leaders and training providers, who had direct experience of dealing with young people from interface areas.
  

Main Findings

Community Groups and Training Providers

• Over half of the respondents felt that a majority of young people wanted to work, with parents, financial independence and pride being key influences. However, the types of jobs that they could apply for were low-paid and unskilled because of their lack of qualifications. The remainder believed that most young people did not want to work, mainly because unemployment was a normal, expected part of life in their sub-culture.
• Unemployment was seen to be too high, job opportunities too scarce and greater investment as essential in these very deprived areas.
• There was a vicious circle where unemployed young people would have to travel to poorly paid jobs but could not afford the associated travel costs.
• Respondents generally believed that most young people would not want to go into an area of a different religion to work, mainly due to fear. Almost all the respondents thought that young people would be willing to work with the politico-religious outgroup in a neutral area.
• Alcohol and drug abuse was raised as a problem in interface areas, with associated high levels of stress and suicide. The many, varied, pervasive and dysfunctional influences of the paramilitaries were also highlighted.
• Young people are affected by a 'bubble syndrome', whereby they feel comfortable and secure in the micro-society of their own community.
• Sectarianism, the norm in these communities, has been a major barrier to employment. It was felt that sectarianism and polarisation had increased since the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement.
• Most respondents believed that unemployed young people were socially excluded and that unemployment leads to social exclusion. There were high levels of pessimism about future employment integration.

Young Never-Employed People

• This group generally held a negative perception of the areas in which they lived. Their educational attainment was relatively low and perceptions of the education system were largely unfavourable.
• Three-quarters of this group indicated that they were actively seeking paid employment, the main reason being to earn money.
• This group did not, generally, perceive unemployment as leading to social exclusion. Social exclusion was regarded as a consequence of someone having nothing to do and feeling bored. Many felt that unemployment was a result of laziness, while others regarded it as normal. They did not regard themselves as socially excluded.
• Around half indicated willingness to work in an area dominated by people from a different religious background, as the value in having a job transcended the location of the place of work. Those unwilling to do so mainly cited fear as the reason. A large majority stated their willingness to work in neutral areas.
• Many respondents displayed evidence of the 'bubble syndrome'.
• Most sectarian incidents discussed were not experienced directly.
• The young people struggled to offer suggestions to encourage more people to take jobs in outgroup areas and few suggestions gained large support.

Young People Once Employed Now Unemployed

• The vast majority had left school at 16 years with minimal educational qualifications and most were actively seeking employment.
• Almost all had worked in mixed areas with people from other religious denominations. Participants were almost equally divided over whether they would be prepared to work in an area dominated by the politico-religious outgroup. Fear of physical attack, lack of identification with the host community, influence of upbringing, and remuneration being an insufficient incentive were all mentioned by those not willing to do so. The value of having a job appealed to those prepared to do so. Working in a mixed workforce in a neutral area would be acceptable to all.
• Most of the work-based sectarian incidents revealed involved either verbal or physical abuse. The flaunting of flags and emblems was also reported.
• Most felt that sectarianism stood in the way of finding employment.
• The group was evenly divided over unemployment as a cause of social exclusion.
• Further cross-community work and the removal of flags and graffiti were suggested to encourage young people to move across interfaces to work.

Young Employed People

• The majority had acquired work experience before their current position.
• While most had previous cross-community contact and had found it beneficial, one sixth of the group had their first such encounter in the workplace. The prevailing attitude towards those from a different community background was essentially positive.
• Bigotry and the threat of intimidation influenced the areas of Belfast in which they would consider working. Less than a quarter would be prepared to work anywhere in the city; travelling through outgroup areas often posed a bigger threat than the worksite itself.
• Approximately three-quarters of the group had either witnessed or experienced serious sectarian violence or abuse in the community, with one-third being personally affected either directly or indirectly.
• Roughly equal numbers as did, did not give examples of sectarianism in the workplace. The most frequent type was verbal, often not brought to the attention of management.
• Work was largely regarded as a place where sectarian viewpoints, trappings and influences should not be allowed to intrude.
• Almost a third of the group gave examples of how management had contributed to a positive, inclusive ethos within their workplace. More, however, did not believe that management had done this, with some even questioning whether this was a desirable management function.
• Management was held to have been aware of two-thirds of sectarian incidents reported but intervened in less than half.
• Over four-fifths of participants were adamant that they were not socially excluded. Those that admitted to occasionally feeling excluded did so on account of distancing themselves from pressures to comply with extremist views in their own community.

Public And Private Sector Employers And Trade Union Officials

• Most employer representatives claimed no evidence of sectarianism in their organisations. Around half indicated that discussions of a political nature do occasionally occur, but that these would be managed.
• Few interviewees had firsthand experience of serious sectarian incidents; those described were mostly recounted by trade union representatives.
• Considered less serious in their sectarian nature, but cited more frequently, was the issue of the display of insignia in the workplace.
• All the employer organisations had written policies in place to deal with sectarian incidents should they arise. Other actions to prevent sectarianism were engendering a teamwork ethos and rotating breaks.
• All the employers indicated that they actively promoted equality of opportunity, particularly in their recruitment practices.
• Factors noted to inhibit recruitment from interface areas were the black economy, skills and education inadequacies and the 'bubble syndrome'.
• Employers had no deliberate policies proactively targeting recruitment from interface or disadvantaged areas, although some had taken actions that allowed them to target young people from particular areas.
• A large majority perceived a direct relationship between unemployment and social exclusion.

Conclusions

• Most young people expressed a desire for gainful employment and community group leaders and training providers recognised this desire. However, for young people from interface areas in Belfast, barriers coming between them and stable employment took economic, educational, social and even physical forms.
• A range of recommendations from the research concerned the themes of government policy, recruitment and retention.