Background to the Research

• The main aim of the Centre is to provide research evidence concerning conflict and its resolution in Ireland and in other countries. Many in the Unionist community feel that they are misrepresented or poorly understood both during the political conflict and the peace process. To this end, the Centre sought the views of prominent members of the Protestant community on the peace process.
  

Research Approach

• The book takes the form of self-contained chapters written by the various contributors and covering a diversity of issues within Unionism.
  

Main Findings

Duncan Morrow (Lecturer in Politics at the University of Ulster)

• From 1920 to 1999 Unionism had been the governing ideology in NI and Unionists had managed to remain united in their opposition to Nationalism. The Good Friday Agreement has split the Unionist parties and their voters into two blocs.
• Pro-Agreement Unionists felt that power-sharing was an acceptable price for an end to serious terrorism, devolved government, Irish Nationalist acceptance of no change in the status of NI without majority consent and the rewording of Articles Two and Three of the Irish Constitution.
• Anti-Agreement Unionists argued that it had come about through the appeasement of terrorism, a role for the Irish Republic in NI affairs, a relinquishment by the British government of the commitment to defend NI as being part of Britain and the release of prisoners without decommissioning.
• Unionism can no longer rely on the right to power by virtue of their electoral majority - the bedrock of Unionist rule since the late 19th century. Instead Unionists must forge a new, and as yet untried, relationship with Catholics and Nationalism in Ireland. The new structures of government pose risks for Nationalism and Republicanism in the short term and are weighted against the traditional Unionist-dominated structures.
• Whilst the British and Irish governments continue to back the Agreement, a failure to decommission, the police reforms, a rise in DUP support in the next assembly elections, serious rioting or a sustained republican splinter group bombing campaign could all pose a threat to the continuation of devolved government.

Chris Gibson (Confederation of British Industry- Northern Ireland)

• The Business Community has played a vital role in the stability of NI over the last 30 years. The Confederation of British Industry has worked hard to encourage a resolution to the conflict.
• In a society such as ours, that is trying to resolve conflict, business has an added responsibility to build relationships and create pathways for communication. The economic health of people and communities are enhanced by this process.
• In the global market, businesses must break down barriers between trading nations and in this context the Unionist community have come to recognise the reality of inter-island trade and co-operation within the island of Ireland.
• In order for business to thrive and meet the challenges of long-term unemployment, benefit dependency, an ageing and traditional industrial sector and the mismatch between education and job-related skills, political stability is essential. Equally, if the economic benefits of a young workforce, high levels of educational attainment and an affordable working and living environment are to reaped, the people, politicians and those in business have to accept the challenge of change.

Baroness May Blood (Community Worker)

• One of the unifying factors in NI has been the work done by community groups - work which has helped to keep communities together, especially in times of intense conflict.
• The 'Beyond Fife and Drum Conference' held in the Shankill in 1995 marked a watershed in politics in the Greater Shankill area. It marked an upsurge of interest in politics. Another factor in the development of new political analysis amongst Unionists was the establishment of parties such as the PUP and the UDP which sought to build relationships at grassroots level.
• The main Unionist parties such as the UUP and the DUP claim to be working for ordinary working class Protestants, but there is little evidence of this. The smaller parties must always listen to the views of people at community level.
• Many in the Protestant community feel that the peace process is remote to them and that they are being left behind. Two extreme views are stalling the peace process; Unionist politicians are saying 'no guns no government' and on the other side the counter-claim 'no government no guns'. Yet, many Protestants see decommissioning as a red herring, therefore there is a mismatch between the Unionist politicians and the Unionist people.
• Division within the Protestant community works against the interests of the community as a whole. Sinn Fein and Nationalists have been better at getting their message across in the media and to the international community than Unionists. The Protestant people have an important story to tell and an invaluable contribution to make to the peace process, neither of which is being heard.

The Most Reverend Dr Robin Eames (Archbishop of Armagh)

• NI is divided along religious denominational lines and denomination dictates not only religious allegiance but political allegiance. Yet within Protestantism, there is great diversity and this helps to explain the absence of one unified voice that speaks in a religious sense for all Protestants.
• Perhaps the greatest challenge facing the Protestant Churches is to convince the community that Christianity is the priory and party political allegiance a matter of individual conscience.
• In order for the Churches to address sectarianism they must not only acknowledge its existence but accept that they may have had a part to play in its development.
• The peace process has not been easy for the main Protestant Churches, as they bore witness to the suffering of their parishioners. There is much unease and uncertainty with regard to the release of prisoners and continued paramilitary activity.
• The Church must move from a role of giving pastoral care to a suffering community to a prophetic compassionate, yet determined, agency for the conditioning of people to change. The Churches of NI must be part of the wider societies struggle towards reconciliation and forgiveness.

Gregory Campbell (Democratic Unionist Party)

• The Troubles were premised on the idea that Roman Catholics had been systematically disadvantaged. The use of paramilitary force by Republicans has been rewarded by prisoner releases, North/South bodies, key roles in government and the Patten review of the Police.
• At the heart of the peace process is the mistaken belief that, historically, Unionists had access to political, economic and social power, power which they used to exclude Nationalists and Republicans. Unionists never had this power and now see it being used against them in the peace process.
• In the electoral and political system Nationalist demands are met and Unionist demands ignored, this has led many in the Unionist community to reject the main stream Unionist parties in favour of the smaller Unionist parties in the hope that their views would be represented.
• There will not be a wholehearted commitment amongst Unionist to the Agreement or any other deal which seeks to 'right Nationalist wrongs'. The economic, educational and cultural needs of Protestants have been systematically ignored or undermined by the British and Irish governments and the international community.
• A process is needed that permits Unionism to develop and expand in the way that the Agreement allows Nationalism to develop. A peace process cannot emerge while politically motivated terrorists retain the right and the capacity to use violence when their demands are not meet.

Barry White (Journalist for the Belfast Telegraph)

• Protestants view the term 'peace process' as a loaded one; it implies there has been a just war. Many fear that the peace process will dilute their British identity.
• Catholics are more articulate, media-conscious and politically aware than Protestants, who have relied for too long on their inbuilt majority and the equation that nationalist gains equal unionist losses.
• Whilst most Protestants welcome the improved atmosphere which has resulted from the cease-fires, they are suspicious of the motives of the Labour government, Dublin, the SDLP and Sinn Fein. Comparative peace masks the continuing mistrust between Protestants and Catholics communities.
• The main effect of the peace process has been to fracture Unionism while nationalists have remained solid.
• The future of the peace process seems likely to remain in the balance, hovering between a devolved government in which the participants are often at odds with each other, and direct rule.
• If an inclusive power-sharing executive could prove its effectiveness and if the new North-South bodies could expand to obscure the political and economic border between the North and South, Protestants might accept a new role in Ireland and the United Kingdom.

Conclusions

• Within Unionism there exists a range of views and opinions concerning the peace process.
• The contributors illustrate that the conflict in NI is not a religious conflict but one that concerns diverse political and cultural identities between and within communities.