Is Northern Ireland Abnormal? An Extension of the Sociological Debate on Religion

Author(s): Claire Mitchell
Document Type: Article
Year: 2003
Title of Publication: Sociology
Publisher: Sage Publications
Place of Publication: London
Volume: 38: 2
Pages: 237-254
Subject Area(s): Religion

Abbreviations: NI - Northern Ireland

Background to the Research

  • The nature and extent of secularisation in western Europe continues to receive much attention in sociological research. NI has high levels of religious affiliation and religion plays many roles in civil society and is said to 'lag behind' other countries in relation to secularisation. This article explores religious trends in NI and finds the dynamics of religious change comparable across regions of the UK.

Research Approach

  • The author draws on data from the 1998 NI Life and Tines survey and on 40 long narrative interviews with a variety of practising and non-practising Protestants and Catholics in NI in 2000.
  • The data are analysed using Casanova's three dimensions of 'religious differentiation', 'decline' and' privatization'.

Main Findings

Religious Differentiation

  • Separation of Church and state is incomplete in NI. This is mainly due to continued segregation in the educational system where most Catholic children are educated denominationally and only 2% of children are educated in integrated schools. In the context of Britain, the increased role of faith schools in education means that NI is not too far from the norm.

Religious Decline

  • In the 1961 Census, only 384 people (out of nearly 1.5 million) identified themselves as atheists, free-thinkers or humanists. Whilst this number had risen by the 1990s, just under 90% continue to select a religious identification, four out of ten identify as Catholic and five out of ten as Protestant.
  • Whilst 95% of Catholics attended church weekly in the late 1960s, attendance had fallen to 72% in 1998. Amongst Protestants, weekly attendance in the 1960s was 46% compared with weekly/bi-weekly attendance of 43% in 1998.
  • The data on religious affiliation and church attendance masks the diversity of religious belief. Some of those rejecting a religious denomination have a faith system of some kind. Equally, some of those who declare affiliation to a denomination hold a diversity of beliefs in terms of which church teachings they choose to practice.

Religious Privatization

  • Religion in NI continues to influence politics in the region; the churches exercise an unofficial moral authority that is reflected in policies such as abortion. Church leaders engage with political parties and paramilitary organisations and the political conflict have heightened demand for them to take on this role. The function of religion goes beyond believing and practicing a faith and forms part of political, cultural and social identity for individuals and communities.
  • There is a high degree of overlap between religion and social life in NI, with church-goers taking part in charitable work in the wider community and many people coming into contact with churches through sporting activities, uniformed organisations, youth clubs, women's groups, choirs, bowling clubs and so on. The conflict has served to deepen these public dimensions of religion as nearly all these social activities take place along segregated lines.

Conclusions

  • The salience of religious ideas and practices in NI demonstrates considerable religious continuity and there is little evidence of the emergence of a secular society. Despite the peace process, communities in NI remain divided and this would suggest that the overlap between the private and public functions of religion is set to continue.
  • The whole of the United Kingdom is undergoing change, and religion plays a dynamic role in this process. Religion has social importance in all societies and the social dimension is as detectable in British society, particularly as racial and religious diversity become norms and low-level social conflict persists.
  • Although the characteristics of religion may differ in the regions of the UK, religious change is universal not particular. In this sense, it can be argued that the phenomenon that sets NI apart is the fact that the social importance of religion has been heightened by the conflict. As Britain formulates policies to cater for religious plurality it should not ignore the experiences of religious division and change in NI.

 

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