Background
to the
Research
- This chapter addresses several
broad questions in relation to public opinion on fair employment issues
and the general direction of public policy.
- The chapter examines whether
there is a trend towards more acceptance of the fair employment legislation
on the part of the general public and the extent to which views vary
between, and within, the two communities in NI. The author raises
the question as to what extent this variance parallels divisions within
party support and considers whether other factors such as social class,
geographical location, or experiences of discrimination or unemployment
play important roles independent of religion or party persuasion in
affecting people's views of the fair employment legislation.
Research
Approach
- This chapter involves secondary analyses
of data from the 1989, 1991, 1993 and 1994 NISA surveys.
Main Findings
Attitudes to the Fair Employment Legislation
- In all four surveys (1989, 1991, 1993,
1994) Catholics show a higher level of support for the legislation
than Protestants.
- The 1994 survey showed a drop in support
for the legal requirements that employers must keep a record of religion.
The overall figure of 51% for 'strong support' for the legislation
in 1993 drops to only 32% in 1994 which was similar to 1989 levels.
This shift from supporting 'strongly' paralleled a rise in opposition
with an increase from 8% in 1993 to 14% in 1994 of those opposing
the legislation 'a bit' and strong opposition rising from 16% in 1993
to 25% in 1994.
- The drop in support in 1994 appears for
both Protestants and Catholics and the drop was greater for Catholics
(75% in 1993 to 48% 'strong support' in 1994).
Prejudice and Relations between
the communities
- Figures show a gradual drop, up to the
1993 Survey, in the proportions of respondents who believe there is
'a lot' of prejudice against both Catholics and Protestants.
- The numbers estimating 'a lot' of prejudice
rise for both Catholic and Protestant respondents in the 1994 Survey.
- The overall figure for 'a lot' of prejudice
against Catholics rises from 25% in 1993 to 30% in 1994, while the
figure for 'a lot' of prejudice against Protestants rises from 19%
in 1993 to 23% in 1994.
- Apart from higher estimates of prejudice
in 1994, the patterns of results are similar across all 4 surveys.
Catholic respondents estimate significantly higher levels of prejudice
against Catholics than Protestant respondents do. Protestant respondents
give higher estimates of prejudice against Protestants than Catholic
respondents do.
Experience of discrimination
- Three new questions in the 1994 NISA survey
asked respondents about their personal experience of employment discrimination
(in recruitment, in promotion, or by colleagues). Respondents who
had not worked in the last ten years were not asked the questions.
- Small proportions of both Catholic and
Protestant respondents reported at least some experience of personal
discrimination themselves.
- Proportionately more Catholics reported
discrimination for all three questions in comparison to Protestants
but in the case of job applications the difference between the two
religious groups was not statistically significant.
- 6.3% of Catholics reported having been
refused a job for religious reasons compared to 4.2 % of Protestants
- 4.9% of Catholics reported having been
refused a promotion for religious reasons compared to 2.3% of Protestants
- 5.8% of Catholics felt they were treated
unfairly at work by colleagues compared to 2.0% of Protestants.
Experience of unemployment
- Discussions of fair employment and equality
of opportunity in NI have often centred around the issue of unemployment.
- NI, at the time of these surveys, had
one of the highest unemployment rates in the United Kingdom.
- The high unemployment rates imply that
job gains in one community may mean job losses for the other community.
- There is some agreement that a substantial
portion of the differential in unemployment rates between Protestants
and Catholics can be explained by differences in the demographic and
social characteristics of the two communities.
- Disagreement in terms of quantitative
analysis remains around the size of the differential in unemployment
rates which cannot be ascribed to background characteristics. Some argue that this is negligible. There
is also debate about whether this differential can be ascribed to
discrimination.
- Multivariate analysis indicated some general
patterns. Religion and affiliation to political party as independent
variables are consistently those that have the strongest effects on
the dependent attitudinal variables. Only two of the 13 dependent
variables showed no effect of either religion or support of a political
party.
- For 12 of the 13 dependent factor variables
of attitudes towards equal opportunity issues, current unemployment
did not have a significant effect. While unemployment plays a central
role in debates in fair employment in NI, the actual experience of
unemployment itself seems to play a more peripheral role regarding
people's opinions on fair employment issues.
Conclusions
- The author commented that the main conclusion
seems to be that the trend towards a gradual moderation of viewpoints
by both Catholic and Protestant respondents is "more apparent than
real". He indicates that 'random fluctuations' rather than a trend
to moderate views would better describe the pattern across the span
of data from 1989 to 1994.
- There is a more optimistic message regarding
support for fair employment legislation asked for the first time in
1994. Large majorities of respondents from both communities expressed
support for having the fair employment laws and thought that both
communities received equal treatment under the legislation from the
Fair Employment Commission.
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