Background to the Research

• Despite the emergence of vast and diverse literature on the political context of illicit drugs, little has been written about drugs in the context of Europe's longest ongoing political conflict of this century, Northern Ireland. The official discourse on drugs in Northern Ireland is that until the 1990s, unlike the Republic of Ireland, England, Wales and Scotland, Northern Ireland did not have 'a drugs problem'. However, according to NIAC, from the 1990s onwards, and in particular during the period of the PIRA cease-fire, "a rapidly growing drugs problem has emerged".

Research Approach

• Secondary source data is used exclusively, and ranges from various public health and law enforcement indicators through to the limited empirical research available. The paper is divided into three sections. The first attempts to demonstrate that drug use, distribution, and policy cannot be examined in isolation from the politics and practices of the protagonists of the conflict in Northern Ireland. The second section critically reviews the issue of drug misuse. The final section deals with the need for quality research in Northern Ireland to influence effective drug policy and practice.
  

Main Findings

SECTION 1: There are three principle protagonists of the conflict in Northern Ireland. This section deals with their relationship to drug related issues.

• The first group of protagonists analysed are Republican paramilitaries. There are considerable differences in the relationships between various factions within the Republican movement and drugs.
• PIRA, as well as engaging in a campaign against British security forces and other targets related to their overall military campaign, has also long been engaged in the 'policing' of Republican areas against anti-social crime including the supply of drugs. Despite the total cessation of 'military activities' declared in September 1994, a vigilante group calling itself Direct Action Against Drugs began a series of murders of alleged drug dealers. This group nave been viewed by the RUC, Unionist and Nationalist politicians and the media, as a 'flag of convenience' for PIRA. However, the government (Northern Ireland Office) by and large acknowledge that the IRA have not been involved, in any organised fashion, in the sale or distribution of drugs in Northern Ireland.
• The INLA and IPLO have, on the other hand, been active in the selling and distribution of drugs to such an extent that they have met with members of the Loyalist paramilitary organisations in order to divide territory in Belfast.
• The second group of protagonists to the conflict, are Loyalist paramilitaries, primarily the UDA, UVF and more recently the LVF.
• The Loyalist paramilitaries also engage in the informal policing of the working class areas from which they draw their support. They, too, lay claim to the policing of anti-social activities including petty crime and drug dealing. There is a widespread belief in Northern Ireland, tacitly acknowledged by Loyalist political spokespersons, that Loyalist paramilitaries are involved in the selling and distribution of illegal drugs in Northern Ireland.
• The third group of armed protagonists are the British State in Northern Ireland, namely the RUC and the British Army. The RUC Intelligence Unit was formed in 1970, and, until the 1990s, cannabis was the most common drug about which concern was expressed. However, by 1995, Ecstasy was cited as 'the most popular' drug, and drug misuse became increasingly perceived to be an insidious threat.
• As a consequence of the1994 ceasefire by PIRA, more police officers became available in the battle to combat drug related offences.

SECTION 2: Extent of Drug Misuse in Northern Ireland.

• Public health officials in Northern Ireland did not consider drug misuse to be a major problem prior to the 1990s. Moreover, studies of drug misuse did not emerge in Northern Ireland until 1992.
• Figures from NIRDA revealed that the total number of drug addicts in 1996 increased to 119. Additionally, there were 46 new notifications in 1996 of registered addicts. This represented a threefold increase in new notifications since 1991.
• Not all addicts in Northern Ireland are in contact with treatment services and, therefore, remain hidden. Anecdotal evidence suggests that some users wish to avoid the stigma associated with drug use and, therefore, may be less inclined to seek treatment.
• From January 1997, 51 organisations provide some type of rehabilitation or support services for persons with drug or alcohol problems. Most organisations provide outpatient counselling, advice, and/or education services, however, the majority of these services operate during daytime hours only.
• Prior to 1990, drug seizures by police or Customs were minimal and rarely reported by the media. More recently, seizures of certain drugs have been noteworthy in comparison with other years. Drug seizure data reported by the RUC for the years 1985 to 1995 suggest that there were substantial increases in the amount of Cannabis, Ecstasy, Amphetamines and Cocaine.

SECTION 3: Problems associated with research on drug related issues.

• The context of the political conflict, the questionable techniques employed in some studies, and the possible vested interests in high rates of prevalence, may serve to amplify methodological flaws and the consequent results in drug research. For instance, difficulties of access and verifiability for any researchers regarding drug use are considerably amplified in a political conflict of the longevity and complexity of Northern Ireland.
• By 1998, approximately 12 self-report surveys of drug misuse had been conducted in the North of Ireland. Most surveys focused on samples of youth or young adults. All these studies are plagued with methodological limitations and it is now well documented that the nature of illicit drug use renders its prevalence difficult to detect using survey methods.

Conclusion

• Drug use, distribution and policy cannot be examined in isolation from the politics, ideology, and practices of the protagonists to the conflict in Northern Ireland. Only with such a backdrop can the normal methods of drug research be undertaken, analysed and understood. Furthermore, policy formulation should be based upon solid ethnographic work on illicit drug use on a range of populations. Moreover, longitudinal research on illicit drug use has yet to be conducted in Northern Ireland and these forms of data collection would greatly benefit policy formulation.