Background to the Research

• The report brings together papers presented at a Conference on Community Development, Democracy and Citizenship held in Belfast in May 1996. Contributors range from academics to those working in the voluntary and statutory sectors. A broad spectrum of issues is addressed, including theories of citizenship, social exclusion, the role of community development in Northern Ireland, the role of women in community development, political development, Community Partnerships and Education and Training for Community Participation.
  

Contents

• Prologue by Tom Lovett and Eilish Rooney
• Chapter One - Thinking about Citizenship by Ruth Lister
• Chapter Two - The Role of Community Development in Building an Inclusive Society by Hugh Frazer
• Chapter Three - Community Development, Democracy & Citizenship in NI by Roisin McDonagh
• Chapter Four - Women & Participation by Rose Moreland & Eilish Rooney
• Chapter Five - Democracy, Citizenship & Political Development by David Officer, Johnston Price & John Quade
• Chapter Six - Sectarianism, Participation & Community Partnerships by Seamus McAleavey
• Chapter Seven - Education, Training & Community Participation by Colin Neilands
• Conclusion and Way Forward by Niall Fitzduff
  

Main Findings

Chapter One - Thinking about Citizenship by Ruth Lister

• Definitions of citizenship are connected to the type of social and political structure that is desired. Broadly speaking, there are two competing traditions of citizenship, one that focuses on the individual and his rights (citizenship as rights/status) and one that focuses on community and the individuals obligations to that community (citizenship as participation/practice). Policies pursued by successive governments have formed part of a broader movement in political discourse away from citizenship as rights and towards citizenship as obligations. Whilst the liberal view of citizenship emphasises the rights of the individual in the market economy, there has been a re-discovery of the idea of the citizen as a participant in governance and politics for the benefit of the community as a whole.
• It can be argued that there is a need to bring the two traditions of citizenship together. Citizenship means enjoying the rights that allow an individual to make meaningful choices and the ability to realise the full potential of social and political participation that flow from those choices. Community development can be linked with these two concepts of citizenship. Community development promotes and widens the rights of citizens and it can promote participation.
• It has been said that citizenship by definition implies the transcendence of particular interests, and community activism can help people to become effective citizens by building confidence, improve self-esteem within and across communities through economic, social and political regeneration. Community development as a mechanism for enhanceing citizenship is of particular importance to women, as it offers an alternative to the formal political arena for political and social action. The European and global dimensions to citizenship are becoming increasingly important at the role of the nation state changes. Some theorists argue for a multi-layered conception of citizenship that operates at several levels.

Chapter Two - The Role of Community Development in Building an Inclusive Society by Hugh Frazer.

• Both parts of the island experience a great deal of poverty, social expulsion and inequality. Addressing these issues not only means tackling lack of resources and access to services, it also means addressing the lack of opportunity for those experiencing poverty to participate fully in society, and the removal of the barriers that prevent them from enjoying full citizenship rights.
• Over the last decade, research in the Republic demonstrates the complexity of poverty and social exclusion and highlights the extent of the demoralisation, stigmatisation and powerlessness of those experiencing poverty. These issues not only impact on the individual and their family but on whole communities. Therefore, tackling poverty and social exclusion must involve policies that address the social and economic causes and set in place structures that address disempowerment and exclusion from the decision making process. Community development has a key role to play in the latter task.
• In recent years recognition of, and support for, community development in the Republic has grown a great deal. There are 70 community development resource centres in disadvantaged communities receiving core funding from the Department of Social Welfare. At a national level the National Economic and Social Forum has been set up be Government to explore key issues facing Irish society and the Government is currently drafting a national Anti-Poverty Strategy to address all aspects of poverty and social exclusion. In order for these developments to be successful, solutions must be found to the tensions between 'Representative versus Participative Democracy'; 'Who Participates'; 'Participation without Power'; 'Denial of Difference, Sectarianism and the danger of Localism'; 'An Information/Analysis Deficit'; 'Paternalism and the Provider Culture'; 'Insider/Outsider'; Centralisation and Compartmentalism'; One Dimensional v Multi-Dimensional Approach'; and 'National Policy Constraints'.

Chapter Three - Community Development, Democracy & Citizenship in Northern Ireland by Roisin McDonagh.

• The community and voluntary sector is seen to fill the space between the state and the free market, and is characterised by groups and associations that respond to grass roots needs. Those outside the sector often see it as fragmented and unaccountable, a dispirit collection of voluntary bodies run by professionals and manned by do-gooders.
• In the context of NI, with its conflicting identities and traditions, the idea of citizenship as a set of inalienable rights does not appear to be enough in itself to resolve the conflict. In order for citizenship to be effective it has to be set within the context of robust programmes and policies aimed at tackling inequalities
• The gap between the rich and the poor is growing, the population is ageing and changing patterns of employment mean that more women are working, and the end of a job for life. Society is becoming more individualistic, consumerist and polarised into the 'haves' and the 'have nots'. Relations between the individual, the government and the community are undergoing massive change. In this changing environment, the public services are coming under greater pressure to meet more needs and it is anticipated that demand for the services provided by the community and voluntary sector will increase.
• There are estimated to be over 5,000 voluntary groups and association in NI. The sector is characterised by its commitment to social and economic justice, pluralism and by its independence from government and political parties. Much of the momentum towards partnership with government, local authorities and the private sector has been provided by the community and voluntary sector as it seeks equality of participation. An area in need of attention is the relationship between the sector and local politicians. The local district partnerships offer an example of how issues can be worked through and local democracy strengthened. The relationship between local politicians and the sector is damaged when community activists (usually professionals) argue for a reduction, on the equality principle, for local councillor representation on local district and other partnerships in favour of more community representation. In this climate of change, there is the hope that the community and voluntary sector will take the opportunity to agree a set of core demands, and promote greater cohesiveness across the range of sectors.

Chapter Four - Empowering Communities? By Rosemary Moreland & Eilish Rooney.

• Two-thirds of the participants to the conference were women, yet much of the work carried out by women in the voluntary sector is invisible and the nature of gender specific participation in the sector remains under-researched. Many women taking part in the conference workshop 'women and participation' equated democracy with power - which many of them felt they did not have, despite the acknowledged extent and contribution of their activism within their communities. In relation to power, the views expressed ranged from a belief that women's activities in community development had been well recognised and developed to a belief that women's groups were on the peripheral of the power base of community development. In general, women felt that they had gained a sense of power from their participation in local women's groups.
• Participants had difficulty thinking of ways in which the current democratic structures assisted women. Many felt that political parties made no room for women, and barriers such as money, time, family, social pressures and the chauvinism of male politicians created barriers to women's participation. However, it was stated that having a women's party offered women an opportunity to have their voice heard and that women's groups had a vital role to play in community development. One of the major contributions of women's groups has been to promote active citizenship for women through building the confidence of women in their abilities. Women attested to the strength they had gained working together and the contribution they made to influencing wider practice and political structures by offering alternative models of democratic practice.

Chapter Five - Democracy, Citizenship and Political Development by David Officer, Johnston Price & John McQuade.

• The forum elections of May 1996 was not an orthodox political event; some parties were excluded, and a complex electoral system was set up to ensure the presence of others at the talks table. In NI at present, elected representatives have little effective power, the electorate cannot vote for mainland parties, and the state itself and its judiciary are held to be illegitimate by a sizeable minority of the population. Whilst political parties are united in their commitment to democracy, the national context in which this is to be achieved is disputed.
• In a deeply divided society such as NI, the weaknesses of traditional representation are more fully exposed, as an individual is charged with representing the conflicting interest of divided communities. Furthermore, political identity in NI is more complex than disputes over nationality or religious belief, the population possess a series of overlapping and intersecting identities.
• The wider debate concerning the extension of citizenship rights, modes of accountability and representation, and the demands for de-centralised power, has been overshadowed in NI by the dominant political theme of nationalism. The community and voluntary sector has the conditions in place within which these issues could be explored. Community development offers a way in which to maximise the participation of people in decision making processes in a society where conventional democratic mechanisms have been weakened, and where social exclusion is prevalent.
• Some politicians have seen participation by individuals from the community and voluntary sector as a form of direct competition rather than a part of the political process. Partnerships have exposed the different working practices and values in the political, community and voluntary sectors, the private sector, the trade unions and government departments. Even if political structures are set that allow more extensive participation much of the existing political culture of NI will continue to obstruct and resist this development. There is still a tendency for the contribution of local community activists only to be accepted where their views concur with those of local politicians. Community organisations themselves fail to ensure maximum participation and accountability within their community, either through obstruction or practice, which created barriers to participation.

Chapter Six- Sectarianism, Participation and Community Partnerships by Seamus McAleavey.

• Under the Special Support Programme for Peace and Reconciliation, district partnerships were permitted. The European Commission alongside the government developed a framework within which there was to be a specified budget and transparent mechanisms of representation. The partnerships representation was divided into thirds and comprised District Councillors, voluntary and community organisations, the private sector, trade unions and local statutory bodies. The aim of the partnerships' work was to bring about local decision-making, based on consultation and participation by all interested parties, with each sector nominating its own representatives.
• These partnerships are a unique form of community development and participation which seeks to form part of the solution to the regions social and economic problems. At the start of these partnerships tension was visible between opposing political parties, and local councillors didn't mix well with representatives from the voluntary and community sector. For many participants there was anxiety concerning what the agenda of the partnership process was and who was in control of that agenda.
• Peace and reconciliation are problems for all sections of NI society, and the partnerships will have to deal with the problems that flow from this issue. Reconciliation is a difficult process in which taboos, grievances and hostilities have to be brought out into the open. Mechanisms will need to be found to deal with injustices, perceived injustices, myths and fears on both sides of the religious divide. The partnerships, if they are to succeed, will have no room for sectarianism, they will need to address needs and not demands, and be strategic in their plans and actions. They will need to focus their resources on the priorities in their area and base their model of participation on community development principles.

Chapter Seven- Education and Training for Community Participation by Colin Neilands.

• The contested nature of the terms 'democracy' and 'citizenship' makes the need for proactive education around these issues important. For most people, democracy and citizenship are taken for granted as givens, safeguarded by the political and judicial elite and not viewed as on-going change processes that need the attention of ordinary citizens. At present education on the principles and practice of democracy occurs through participation in the voluntary and community groups or through the media.
• The current selective system of education in NI maintains the status quo, where selection at eleven can lead to a life time of exclusion. The educational elite attain the power to participate in and defend democracy. The education system does not contribute to the maximising of participation at all levels within the structures of democracy. There are few opportunities within the system for pupils to learn about the rights and responsibilities of citizenship within a democracy. Schoolchildren have little practical experience of participatory democracy within schools, except through the few school councils that have pupil representation. Schools are set in the community, but have few links with the actual communities in which they are based. Yet participation in community projects can build the confidence of the excluded, and offer a second chance to access education in a way that meets their needs and aspirations.
• The level of graduate unemployment has contributed to the professionalisation of the community sector, whilst this brings much needed talent to the sector it threatens the voluntarism of those without qualifications and raises the possibility of handing control over another section of society to the educational elite. In order that participation at community level can be translated into wider political action, community education needs to be more proactive in demystifying the structures of government, confidence building and offering support to those entering the political arena. Where the legitimacy of the government is called into question there tends to be a growth in the self-help culture and this is true of NI. There has been a noticeable imbalance in the growth of community development, with a stronger and faster growth in Catholic/nationalist areas than in Protestant areas. It has only been with a decline in employment and economic prosperity in Loyalist areas, accompanied by a hardening of attitudes towards government, that there has been an increase in the community infrastructure in Protestant areas.
• Community education could be directed through courses in community development, leadership skills, community relations and political education. Whilst training is important, a key role is also played by the creative arts, health education etc. The narrow role of state education as preparing young people for the job market needs to be broadened to emphasize the value of community participation, social awareness and the responsibilities of citizenship. Community ownership of schools should be encouraged, and schools should be, in practice, central community resources.