Background to the Research

• Funders frequently remark that community organizations are more developed in predominantly Catholic/Nationalist areas than in Protestant/Unionist/Loyalist areas of NI, and that Catholic communities are more proficient at obtaining funding from governmental and international sources.
• The two specific research objectives of this project were:
  • to conduct a preliminary exploration of the concepts of collectivism-individualism and social capital in relation to the two religious/ethnic communities in NI (study one); and
  • to consider whether members of the two communities possess different ideologies of collective (or individualistic) action, and whether this may have implications for public policy (study two).
    

Research Approach

• Two distinct but related studies were carried out. A random sample of the NI population was surveyed, to collect information on social capital individualism/collectivism, socio-political attitudes, attitudes to welfare and community organisations and demographic information.
• Study two involved a series of individual interviews and focus group interviews with residents selected from locations known to contrast highly in their degree of community development.
• Additional interviews were held with informants with specialised knowledge of community developments in the focus group areas (Belfast and Derry/Londonderry). The purpose of the qualitative study was to obtain information concerning social issues that are germane to community development in Catholic and Protestant urban working-class areas.
  

Main Findings

• With regard to social capital, the quantitative study (study one) showed no evidence of Catholic/Protestant differences in social capital, as measured in the random sample used. Higher socio-economic status was found to be associated with higher levels of social capital and rural dwellers scored higher than urban dwellers, but in each case the differences were small.
• Many working class communities (Catholic and Protestant) were characterised by low morale and low expectations about their future. A very significant degree of fragmentation was observed in Protestant communities. The historically important role of local churches was tending to diminish and there was much evidence of the strongly negative impact of paramilitary organisations which tended to inhibit, or seek to control, community development activity. There was evidence in some Catholic working class communities of political rivalries impacting negatively on community development.
• Some community-based voluntary and partnership organisations were found to be in active contact with each other across the community divide.
• The quantitative stage of the study found no differences between Catholic and Protestant respondents in terms of collectivism-individualism. The only urban/rural difference was a slightly higher score among rural Protestants as compared with those living in urban areas.
• The qualitative interviews indicated that there remains a widespread belief that Catholics are more collectivist and that Protestants are more individualist. This is contrary to the findings of the quantitative phase of the study. The interviews and case studies indicate that some members of the Protestant working class place a high value on self-help and are reluctant to look to external sources of support because they consider it demeaning to accept what they have not earned or otherwise worked for.
• With regard to collectivism-individualism, the findings suggest that, among Protestants, there is a marked difference between the attitudes and outlook of middle- and working-class people - the middle-class were reported to show little/no reluctance to work, while the working-class were perceived to possibly be unwilling/unable to work co-operatively.
• Respondents from both cities and communities remarked on the high levels of apathy that prevail and the low level of expectations and disengagement of many people.
• Contrasting attitudes towards the government, as held and promoted by different political parties, were considered to be highly influential in regard to the readiness or otherwise of people from the Catholic and Protestant communities to avail of funding opportunities. Some Unionist working-class areas were considered to be experiencing community fragmentation and low political integration with institutional or political elites. The Loyalist feud was a major negative influence on these communities and inhibited community development.
• The term 'weak community infrastructure' was contested by some respondents from both the Unionist and Nationalist communities. Some Unionist communities considered it stigmatising as indicating backwardness with regard to social development, while some Nationalist communities considered it as positive discrimination for Unionist communities to which it was attached. The term has not been developed in the literature and does not appear to be in use outside of NI.

Conclusions

• The report ends with the implications of the findings for policy and practice, which include the following:
  • the concept of 'weak community infrastructure' needs to be recognised by policy makers as a contested concept;
  • urgent clarification is needed for the exploration of the interface between community development and 'weak community infrastructure interventions';
  • careful attention needs to be paid to the complex problem of integrating public policy and administration with community institutions;
  • networking - within and across community boundaries and at organisational levels - should be encouraged and advanced;
  • leadership capacity training is emphasised as important at all levels;
  • appropriate initiatives are needed to assure individual access to meeting places, public spaces and housing access; and
  • safe shared spaces and facilities should be promoted, as should balanced and settled communities.